Douglas McGregor’s Theory X and Theory Y Essay -- Business Management

Douglas McGregor’s Theory X and Theory Y Biography of Douglas McGregor Douglas McGregor was born on 1906 in Detroit, America. In 1895, it was here that his grandfather, Thomas McGregor started his business and given its name as, McGregor Institute. The business provides assistance to Great Lakes sailors and other transient labour. The Institute provided shelter, warmth and food to approximately 100 men every year. When Thomas McGregor passed away, his son Murray McGregor (Douglas’s father) continued to manage the business. During high school, Douglas McGregor worked as a night clerk and played the piano and organ at the chapel services. At work, he became familiar with the employees and their problems. In 1936, McGregor Institute came to an end and it was sold for $100,000 to the Goodwill Industries. After high school, McGregor went to Oberlin College and then attended to Wayne University, where he had graduated in 1932. While at college, he was married and left his college work for about five years to save enough money to start a family. McGregor began as a gasoline station attendant in Buffalo and quickly progressed to district manager of stations in the Detroit region. In 1935, he received a PhD degree from Harvard University in Experimental Psychology. McGregor was a brilliant student at Harvard that; he achieved an A grade in every course. After his graduation from Harvard University, he became a Professor of Psychology and taught there f...

Plutarch’s Influence on Shakespeare and Other Writers of the Sixteenth Century Essay

The influence of the writings of Plutarch of Chaeronea on English literature might well be made the subject of one of the most interesting chapters in the long story of the debt of moderns to ancients. One of the most kindly and young spirited, he is also one of the most versatile of Greek writers, and his influence has worked by devious ways to the most varied results. His treatise on the Education of Children had the honour to be early translated into the gravely charming prose of Sir Thomas Elyot, and to be published in a black-letter quarto ‘imprinted,’ as the colophon tells us, ‘in Fletestrete in the house of Thomas Berthelet.’ The same work was drawn upon unreservedly by Lyly in the second part of Euphues, and its teachings reappear a little surprisingly in some of the later chapters of Pamela. The essay on the Preservation of Good Health was twice translated into Tudor prose, and that on Curiosity suffered transformation at the hands of the virgin queen herself into some of the most inharmonious of English verse. The sixteenth century was indeed steeped in Plutarch. His writings formed an almost inexhaustible storehouse for historian and philosopher alike, and the age was characterized by no diffidence or moderation in borrowing. Plutarch’s aphorisms and his anecdotes meet us at every turn, openly or in disguise, and the translations I have alluded to did but prepare the way for Philemon Holland’s great rendering of the complete non-biographical works in the last year of the Tudor era. But it is as author of the Parallel Lives of the famous Greeks and Romans that Plutarch has most strongly and most healthily affected the literature of modern Europe. Few other books of the ancient world have had since the middle ages so interesting a career; in the history of no other, perhaps not even the Iliad, can we see so plainly that rare electric flash of sympathy where the spirit of classical literature blends with the modern spirit, and the renascence becomes a living reality. The Lives of Plutarch were early translated into Latin, and versions of them in that language were among the first productions of the printing press, one such edition being published at  Rome about 1470. It was almost certainly in this Latin form that they first attracted the attention and the pious study of Jacques Amyot (1514-93). Amyot’s Translations of Plutarch No writer of one age and nation has ever received more devoted and important services from a writer of another than Plutarch owes to Amyot. Already the translator of the Greek pastorals of Heliodorus and Longus, as well as seven books of Diodorus Siculus, Amyot came not unprepared to the subject of his life’s work. Years were spent in purification of the text. Amyot’s marginal notes as to variants in the original Greek give but a slight conception of the extent of his labours in this direction. Dr. Joseph Jager has made it more evident in a Heidelberg dissertation, ‘Zur Kritik von Amyots Ubersetzung der Moralia Plutarch’s’ (Biihl, 1899). In 1559, being then Abbot of Bellozane, Amyot published his translation of Plutarch’s Lives, printed in a large folio volume by the famous Parisian house of Vascosan†¦.The success of the work was immediate; it was pirated largely, but no less than six authorized editions were published by Vascosan before the end of 1579. Amyot’s concern with the Lives did not cease with the appearance of the first edition. Each re-issue contained improvements, and only that of 1619 can perhaps be regarded as giving his final text, though by that time the translator had been twenty-six years in his grave. Yet it was not the Lives solely that occupied him. In 1572 were printed Les Oeuvres Morales et Meshes de Plutarque. Translatees du Grec en Francois par Messire Jacques Amyot. The popularity of this volume, by whose appearance all Plutarch was rendered accessible in the vernacular to French readers, was hardly inferior to that the Lives had attained, and it directly inspired another work, already mentioned, whose importance for English drama was not very greatly inferior to that of North’s translation of the Lives: ‘The Philosophic, commonly called the Morals, written by the learned Philosopher, Plutarch of Chaeronea. Translated out of Greeke into English, and conferred with the Latin translations, and the French, by Philemon Holland†¦London 1603.’ The indebtedness of such writers as Chapman to the Morals of Plutarch is hardly to be measured. Our concern, however, is rather with the lives as they appeared in North’s translation from the French of Amyot, in 1579. Sir Thomas North Thomas North, or Sir Thomas, as history has preferred to call him, was born about 1535, the second son of Edward Lord North and Alice Squyer his wife. The knightly title in North’s case, like that or Sir Thomas Browne, is really an anachronism as regards his literary career. It was a late granted honour, withheld, like the royal pension, which seems to have immediately preceded death, till the recipient’s fame had long been established and his work in this world was virtually over. It is simply as Thomas North that he appears on the early title pages of his three books, and as Master North we find him occasionally mentioned in state papers during the long and eventful years that precede 1591 . Sometimes, by way of self-advertisement, he alludes to himself rather pathetically as ‘sonne of Sir Edward North, Knight, L. North of Kyrtheling’ or ‘Brother to the Right Honourable Sir Roger North, Knight, Lorde North of Kyrtheling.’ We know little of his life. It appears to have been a long and honourable one, full of incident and variety, darkened till almost the very end by the shadow of poverty, but certainly not devoid of gleams of temporary good fortune, and on the whole, no doubt, a happy life. There is good reason, but no positive evidence, for believing that he was educated at Peterhouse, Cambridge. In 1557 we find him at Lincoln’s Inn; on the 2Oth of December in that year he dates from there the dedicatory epistle to Queen Mary, prefixed to his D’tall of Princes. In 1568 he was presented with the freedom of the city of Cambridge. In 1574 he accompanied his elder brother Roger, second Baron North, on a special mission to the court of Henri III of France. Six years later, under date of August 25, 1580, the Earl of Leicester commends Mr. North to Lord Burghley as one who ‘is a very honest gentleman, and hath many good things in him which are drowned only by poverty.’ During the critical days of the Armada he was Captain of three hundred men in the Isle of Ely, and he seems always to have borne a high reputation for valour. With 1590 the more interesting part of North’s life closes. In 1591 he was knighted. At this period he must apparently have enjoyed a certain pecuniary prosperity, since eligibility for knighthood involved the possession of land worth 40 [pounds] a year. In 1592 we hear of him as justice of the peace in Cambridgeshire; the official commission for placing him is dated February 24. Six years later we may infer that he was again in financial straits, for a grant of 20 [pounds] was made to him by the city of Cambridge. The last known incident of his life was the conferring on him of a pension of 40 [pounds] per annum from the Queen, in 1601. He may or may not have lived to see the publication of the third, expanded edition of his Plutarch in 1603, to which is prefixed a grateful dedication to Queen Elizabeth. North was twice married, and we know that at least two of his children, a son and daughter, reached maturity. His literary fame rests on three translations. The first in point of time was a version of Guevara’s Libra Aureo, of which an abbreviated translation by Lord Berners bad been printed in 1535, with the title ‘The Golden Boke of Marcus Aurelius Emperour and eloquent Oratour.’ North made no such effort at condensation; his rendering appeared first in 1557 and again, with the addition of a fourth book, in 1568, with the following title page: ‘The Dial of Princes, compiled by the reverend father in God, Don Antony of Guevara, Byshop of Guadix, Preacher, and Chronicler to Charles the fifte, late of that name Emperor. Englished out of the Frenche by T. North. . . And now newly revised and corrected by hym, refourmed of faultes escaped in the first edition: with an amplification also of a fourth booke annexed to the same, entituled The fauored Courtier, never heretofore imprinted in our vulgar tongue. Right necessarie and pleasaunt to all noble and vertuous persones.’ There seems no reason to accept the suggestion that the style of this book was influential in any particular degree in shaping that of Lyly’s Euphues. North’s second translation appeared in 1570. The title page, which contains all the information concerning the work that the reader is likely to require, runs as follows: ‘The Morall Philosophic of Doni: Drawne out of the auncient writers. A worke first compiled in the Indian tongue, and afterwardes reduced into divers other languages: and now lastly Englished out of Italian by Thomas North.’ In the Stationers’ Register for 1579 occurs this entry: ‘VI to Die Aprilis. — Thomas vautrollicr, master Wighte Lycenced vnto yem a booke in Englishc called Plutarks Lyves — XV and a copie.’ This is the first mention of North’s translation of Plutarch, which was duly published in the same year, 1579, by the two book-sellers named in the registration notice. A facsimile of the title page appears as frontispiece to this volume†¦.It is of importance to consider here the exact relation in which North’s translation stands to that of Amyot, first printed just twenty years before and definitely claimed by North as his source. †¦.North’s Plutarch enjoyed till the close of the seventeenth century a popularity equal to its merits; but its vogue was now interrupted. It was supplanted by a succession of more modern and infinitely less brilliant renderings and was not again reprinted as a whole till 1895. How entirely it had fallen into disrepute in the eighteenth century is evident from the significant verdict of the Critical Review for February, 1771, ‘This was not a translation from Plutarch, nor can it be read with pleasure in the present Age.’ One hopes, and can readily believe, that the critic had not made the attempt to read it. There is some doubt as to which edition of North was used by Shakespeare. The theory of Mr. A. P. Paton that a copy of the 1603 version bearing the initials ‘W. S.’ was the poet’s property has long ago been exploded. From an allusion by Weever in his Mirror of Martyrs, we know that Julius Caesar was in existence in 1601. The two possible editions, those of 1579 and 1595 respectively, often vary a little in wording, but there seems to be no instance where such difference offers any hint as to which text Shakespeare used. No one with a knowledge of the rules and vagaries of Elizabethan orthography will probably lay any stress on the argument which prefers the  folio of 1595 for the sole reason that on the first page of the Life of Coriolanus it happens to agree in spelling of the word ‘conduits’ with the 1623 Shakespeare, whereas the folio of 1579 gives the older form of ‘conducts.’ If Shakespeare’s acquaintance with North was delayed till about 1600, it may be imagined that copies of the second edition would then be the more easily obtainable. If, on the other hand, we derive the allusions in A Midsummer Night’s Dream (II. i. 75-80) to Hippolyta, Perigouna, Aegle, Ariadne, and Antiopa from the Life of Theseus, as has been done, though with no very great show of probability, we must then assume the dramatist to have known North’s book at a period probably antecedent to the appearance of the second edition. The question is of little import. There seems on other grounds every reason to prefer the text of the editio princeps, which in practically all cases of difference offers an older and apparently more authentic read ing than the version of 1595. As has been said, we have no evidence that North was personally responsible for any of the changes in the second edition.

Maltese Falcon - 1645 Words

The Maltese Falcon, was not only a detective film, but a film that displayed many different aspects of the female and the male character in the movie. The film was more than a story, but a story that explored the ideas of the detective genre and the different characteristics of femininity and masculinity. It also brought forth subjects of sexual desires and the greediness of money. The characters and the visual motifs in the film contributed to the developing of the plot and assisted in creating a more detective and gender oriented film. In the film, The Maltese Falcon, the role of men and women are portrayed in different ways in the film to show the distinct functions of masculinity and femininity between the characters. Sam said†¦show more content†¦They have a tendency to seek men when they are in need, or only when they are in trouble. Her character follows through with the dark past theme. Since she has deceived him many times, it was hard for Sam to believe what words that came out of her mouth. Sam said to Brigid, If you were actually as innocent as you pretend to be, we would never get anywhere. She wasnt able to receive his trust, so in many ways, this showed that women could not be trusted and that it portrayed women in a lower view. Havent you tried to buy my loyalty with money and nothing else? This shows that she was desperate and willing enough to receive his trust through the exchange of money. What else can I buy you with? Towards the end of the film, it showed how hard she tried to convince him that she still loved him so that she wouldnt go to jail. I would have come back to you soon, from the very first instant I saw you, I knew. Through this you could figure out the true personality of Brigid and how she worked. Brigid wasnt the only one who tried to trick a person into something, Sam lied as well in order to find out the truth. Brigid said to Sam, Youve been playing with me, just pretending you cared to trap me like this...you didnt care at all, you dont love me.Show MoreRelatedThe Maltese Falcon609 Words   |  2 Pages Readers who have never picked up on the Dashiell Hammett detective novel The Maltese Falcon 1930 or seen the classic 1941 film adaptation, which follows the novel almost verbatim, can feel a strong sense of familiarity, faced for the first time in history. In this book, Hammett invented the hard-boiled private eye genre, introducing many of the elements that readers have come to expect from detective stories: mysterious, attractive woman whose love can be a trap , search for exotic icon that peopleRead MoreThe Maltese Falcon Essay1183 Words   |  5 PagesTheater 120C: Final Paper In The Maltese Falcon (1941), Humphrey Bogart plays Sam Spade, a private eye detective who is lured into the chase for a bird statue by a mysterious and deceitful woman named Ruth. 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The Hinduism And Buddhism Outlook On Karma - 1814 Words

Hum 130: Major Essay Assignment The Hinduism and Buddhism Outlook on Karma Swarn Sidhu 301174496 Karma seems like a pretty simple concept; all actions have a reaction. However, karma may not catch up to you in this lifetime and instead effect you in future lives. According to both Hinduism and Buddhism, karma determines what happens after death; either rebirth or liberation. The only way to escape reincarnation is by achieving good karma. In Hinduism, karma is determined according to one s actions whereas in Buddhism, karma depends solely on intention. Even though both Hinduism and Buddhism originated in India and their ultimate goal is to be freed from the cycle of rebirth, they view karma in two different ways. In Hinduism, there are three kinds of karma: that which degrades, that which elevates, and that which leads to liberation. In Sanskrit, karma translates to action and action is the determinate of karma. Therefore, good actions lead to good karma and bad actions lead to bad karma. One’s ultimate goal is to achieve karma that leads to liberation; release from samsara and achieving moksha. In order to achieve moksha, the atman has to be reunited with Brahman. To accomplish this, different practices have been designed to weaken the body’s bond with the atman. These practices include fasting, going without sleep, celibacy, and even never wearing clothes or standing on one leg for years. Such practices allow individuals to generate spiritual powersShow MoreRelatedHinduism And Taoism802 Words   |  4 PagesCompare and Contrast: Buddhism, Taoism, and Hinduism. Both Buddhism, Taoism, and Hinduism in religious context compare through origin, philosophy, and their social structures including their outlook on women. These three religious show south east Asian roots, cultural beliefs, and social conflicts and solutions. 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Buddhism was created based on the ideologies of Hinduism. There differences on their views with the idea of self and transmigration. They compare with one another with the problems of having senses, desires and anger. Hinduism believes in everything being unified together as one ultimate reality, which is Brahman. Brahman is the truth of all. Atman is considered as the true and pure self. Atman and Brahman are identical with oneRead MoreBuddhism s Belief Of God1419 Words   |  6 PagesBuddhism hope to its adherents is to have a state of life in the afterlife where each individual can find his own way. They identifies their existence as god-like beings, who do not believe in an omnipotent creator God. Each individual discover and walk their own path. Nonetheless, Buddhism is not divine it just points the way to Nirvana. In the Buddhism religion they do not personally believe in God or a divine being. They do not worship, pray, or praise a divine being. Though the religion doesRead More Hinduism and Buddhism Essay6699 Words   |  27 PagesHinduism and Buddhism The concept of God It is first of all necessary to establish what is meant by the term God. This term is used to designate a Supreme Being endowed with the qualities of omnipotence and omniscience, which is the creator of the universe with all its contents, and the chief lawgiver for humans. God is generally considered as being concerned with the welfare of his human creatures, and the ultimate salvation of those who follow his dictates. God is therefore a person of

Social Learning Theory Developed It s Reputation

Social learning theory asserts that learning is a cognitive process that takes place in a social context and can occur purely through observation or direct instruction, even in the absence of motor reproduction or direct reinforcement. Famously adopted by Albert Bandura and his colleagues at Stanford University in the 1960’s, the development of social learning theory was revolved around a four step model. These four models included attention (the individual subject must attend to the media as well as witness aggressive behavior), retention (the subject must have the ability to retain the behavior seen in order to replicate for later retrieval), motor reproduction (the subject must be able to perform said behavior), and motivation (there†¦show more content†¦The second reason I chose Charles was because he has a bit of a temper and I thought that would come in handy while observing how a violent video could affect someone who might not have the a lot of patience. Charl es decided to choose the game Fallout 4 to be played by himself in his isolated basement. Fallout 4 is a violent, action filled adventure that is set in a post apocalyptic Boston in the year 2287. Charles described how he had played the other three Fallout’s before, but never like this was it so difficult. Almost immediately, signs of stress and anger hit Charles. His connection was not letting him access the online version of the game. By merely trying to get the game to work, Charles displayed a behavioral change. Finally, after a good seven minutes of feeding various wires through the TV, Charles began to play. Within the first twenty minutes he seemed somewhat relaxed, but this soon changed as he progressed through the game. From sitting casually in his seat, to standing up and moving closer and closer to the TV, Charles was completely infiltrated by the obstacles in a particular level of Fallout 4. It came to the point where he would question himself constantly. For exam ple, Charles stated, â€Å"Why do I constantly die in the same spot?† Loudly enough, it was easy to distinguish his behavioral changes. Typically he likes to joke around, but it seemed like focus was one hundred percent on the video

Assessment and Hypothesis about Ethical Eating Sample for Students

Question: Write an Essay that Explores an Important and Topical Food Issue of your Choice from a Gastronomic Perspective. Answer: Introduction Ethical food consumption is considered as a means through which people understand and solve different socio-ecological differences (Barnett et al., 2005b). Food consumption habits often persuaded people for socio-ecological changes. So, some people may considered it as being a part of the society, while others think consider it only as a practice followed by the elites of the society. It is difficult situation since on one hand most of these alleged ethical food products (fair trade coffee, free range poultry, grass fed animal protein, natural produce etc.) are more costly than the conventional food items. Additionally, most of the shopping spaces and eateries serving these ethical food products are supposedly serve only the socially influential people (Cole, 2008; Guthman, 2008). In contrast, from political and empirical point of view a clear-cut duality between ethical or rich and unethical or poor is difficult (Hinrichs, 2000; Johnston, 2008). On political basis, it is very fishy to figure out the moral assets onto economically fortunate people who have better contact with the ethical foods, an inference that proceeds with a doubtful tradition of ethically chastising the marginalized residents (Alatas, 1977; Schwartz, 2000). From an empirical basis, intellectuals do not have information showing that economically-fortunate people consider deeply about the ethical foods, despite that fact that they have assets to purchase the ethical items. Additionally, we do not know much about how less-fortunate populations feel about ethical eating, and how they practice it with limited earnings. Academic thoughts regarding the ethical food consumption are increasing; however they are not materialized in empirical investigations (Adams and Raisborough, 2010). From a cultural view, we consider ethical eating as a comprehensive cultural stock instead of being a colossal ideology. Assessment and Hypothesis about Ethical Eating According to Starr, ethical food consumption is broadly defined as individuals buying and using food items and resources not only due to the individual values and pleasures they offer but also owing to ideas of good and bad in an ethical sense (Starr, 2009). This definition is not unambiguous as ethical consumption can also be defined by issues that have acquired public interest like local origin, organic certification, and humane treatment of animals. Sometimes, these issues tend to overshadow other subjects associated with agricultural labor, hunger, or social justice. The purpose is not to judge which utilization customs are ethical or which are not, but to observe how ethical food customs are formed by community interactions (Johnston and Baumann, 2010). Moral consumption of food is not just about consuming or intake of food, but rather be comprehended as a social communication involving various many contents (cruelty-free, fair transaction, native/local, organic etc.) as well as a rationale connecting consumption attributes of people with social and ecological change. In spite of all the rationales, ethical food consumption contains numerous inconsistencies (Johnston, 2008; Sassatelli, 2006) and different groups consider these contradictions in different way. These differences often cause clashes in the public domain, thus influencing the leading perceptions about food consumption (Sassatelli, 2006). Monetary actors also play a significant role in forming a broad ethical food consumption dialogue as they are position themselves to control the communal dialogue on ethical utilization, thus establish their opinion as general standard which all residents should follow. The most privileged points in food conversation tend to be standard ized and introduced as egalitarian regardless of the structural differences thus making it hard for the under-privileged population to eat with utmost competence, deliciousness and healthfulness (DeVault, 1991; Johnston and Baumann, 2010). In spite of these ambiguities, market analysis usually imply that price is a main obstruction in the participation of ethical food consumption since customers which are ready to shell out to purchase ethical food items are frequently wealthy, knowledgeable and cultured (Aldanondo-Oachoa Almansa-Saez, 2009; Diamantopoulos et al., 2003; Govindasamy et al., 1998; Kezis et al., 1998; ODonovan and McCarthy, 2002). Revelations like these arent shocking at all as the wealthy buyers have money to visit the nearest niche marketplaces, and are frequent to the high end stores dealing with such food products (Barnett et al., 2005a; De Pelsmacker et al., 2005; Fotopoulos and Krystallis, 2002; Gracia and Magistris, 2008; Michaelidou and Hassan, 2010; Starr, 2009). The financial benefit can encourage exposure to the ethical food consumption discussion, except there are some cultural components affecting consumers enthusiasm (Brown et al., 2009). Activists, feminists and food researchers have realized that cultural aspects have affected the food selections since long time, and that the ration-choice judgments are greater than just the effortless cost-profit rationale (Bourdieu, 1984; DeVault, 1991). Ethical food customs is greatly pervaded by way of components of intellectual assets; they affects what food items are consumed in addition to being appreciated via different public groups, what food products are considered unfamiliar and comparatively awkward, and whether the food represents as a crucial spot for ingenious display plus building of an spiritual character (Bourdieu, 1984). Knowledge of food political beliefs is another important element of cultural capital which comprises acknowledging what food items are politically acceptable and ec ologically justifiable (Johnston and Baumann, 2010). Since the cultural center is an important attribute found in the upper class and without it the class movement is rendered hard. Thus, ethical food consumption can possibly work to control social disparity and class limits (Bourdieu, 1984; Cole, 2008; Lamont, 1992). Food researchers have responded against the market-based division of wealthy versus marginalized food consumers (Adams and Raisborough, 2010; Dolan, 2005). One cannot assume that affluent customers show increased reflexivity towards socio-ecological issues, despite the fact that they hold additional assets which allow them in visiting the niche stores (Barnett et al., 2005a; DuPuis and Goodman, 2005; Guthman, 2003). Affluent shoppers are more prone to procure ethical foodstuffs, although it remains unclear that they will essentially employ ethical utilization customs that take more time than wealth (Belcher et al., 2007; Roberts, 1996; Star, 2009). Actually, we only know less about the limit or extent which the customers of various public factions willfully observe the customs of their consumption preferences when they go to the superstore (Auger et al., 2003; Beagan et al., 2010). Typical assessment regarding the ethical food utilization is restricted by the way as it evaluates view s on moral subjects, yet it cant constantly analyze that their actions are due to their attitude or how these issues clash with other concerns like ease, cost, and choice during their every day shopping judgments (Adams and Raisborough, 2010). While a number of researches suggest that social class and cultural setting assist in a significant way in forming the ethical food consumptions, further effort is required to observe on how these attributes outline the ethical food consumption practices in daily life (Auger et al., 2003). The cultural repertoires and symbolic boundaries can facilitate us in realizing the significances of ethical food consumption discourse for differently privileged individuals. The idea of cultural repertoire can facilitate us understand the concept of ethical consumption, and acknowledge how the actors ingeniously use different components of dialogue in routine existence (Adams and Raisborough, 2010; Lamont, 1992; Swidler, 1986 2001; Tilly, 1993). It is made of a various set of customs, habits, plans, qualities, and thoughts. Actors recognize their activities by using various components of cultural catalogs (Lamont, 2000; Swidler, 1986 2001). The idea of cultural repertoire which differs geographically and evolves constantly conveys interest regarding how social mediators specifically draw from the components of a better culture to add up to their choices (Bondy and Talwar, 2011), or rationalize their activities (Sassatelli and Davolio, 2010). Another cultural concept that assists in understanding the ethical consumption is the idea of symbolic limitations, i.e. the intangible differences that people craft to classify items, individuals, along with their practices. Boundary work includes individual classifications employed for inclusion and exclusion of people in the theoretical maps, and portrays a procedure where people describe their character contrary to others by sketching the symbolic limits (Lamont, 1992). These limits are drawn to differentiate an individual which also act as a symbol of association of group. Grant on the belonging of the group and limits offers an extensive rational record (Becker, 1963; Durkheim and Mauss, 1963). At present, this idea is firmly related with Lamonts grant whose work compellingly shows the importance of boundaries (Douglas, 1966; Lamont, 1992 2000; Lamont and Fournier, 1992). These limits can be broad, but can also possibly create disparity since they are an important means by whi ch people monopolize resources, attain status, avert dangers or justify their social promotion frequently in reference to character, habits, superior lifestyle, or competences. She discusses few types of representative limits: social, moral, and socioeconomic (Lamont, 1992). The first two boundaries are mainly relevant in the terms of ethical consumption. The social limits are delineated on the grounds of authority of superior culture, learning, intelligence, behavior, and tastes, whereas moral boundaries are the ones drawn on account of moral nature (Lamont, 1992). Lamonts investigation revealed that moral limits were frequently essential to how people comprehended themselves and their interactions with others (Lamont, 1992). Ethical Food Consumption in Daily Life Here, we observe some attributes of ethical food use by people on daily basis. We discuss the extent to which the leading ethical food consumption repertoire was identified and comprehended by the people; the thoughts and practices that were accentuated and limited, and stress observed. We address the ethical predicaments articulated by less-privileged consumers. Dominant ethical food consumption repertoire The prominent components seen in ethical food repertoires are eco-consumption (native and organic) and restricting meat along with other minor components associated with society construction and building associations with manufacturers and traders. Eco-consumption (Local and organic): Ecological contemplations were a major constituent of ethical food consumption repertoires (Johnston and Bauman, 2010). Many people considered ethical eating same as green food consumption which was largely comprehended as involving native /or organic foods. Associations between food preferences and ecological damage like carbon discharges while transporting food, and the damaging consequences of insect repellents and industrial farming were often argued. Ecological ideas were usually referenced with regard to native and organic, along with decreased meat use or vegetarianism. Both native /or organic food eating were associated with sustaining the environment. Also, another main portion of the ethical consumption repertoire included the understanding the strain between organic food items that are generated without the use of insecticides and locally cultivated foods that are grown in nearby fields. Cost issue regarding the organic and local foods was another important attribute which formed how ethical consumption essentially takes place in our daily food preferences. It concerns all people equally, with just the wealthy family individuals exclusively looking to purchase organic food items. These apprehensions were sometimes associated with doubt about the health and ecological arguments of these products. While some people completely rejected the organic products for being too expensive, others argued about plans for consuming ethical food while keeping a budget, like purchasing either local or organic, in smaller amounts, cultivating ones own food, buying at provision stores that convey other choices to standardized products. Limiting meat consumption: Another important component of ethical food consumption repertoires is limiting their meat intake. Several people take vegetarian diet while some often consume little meat as they were generally concerned about various issues like their health, the consequences of the meat production industries on the surroundings, industrial farming and mistreatment of animals. Social associations and society development: The last concluding component in ethical food utilization catalogs involved with thought of increasing community associations and developing society. According to the reports on ethical food policy, community variables were seldom considered as compared to the ecological concerns, furthermore they were mainly observed locally as opposed to global disparity or poverty (Barnett et al., 2005b; Johnston and Baumann, 2010). Summing up, with regard to ethical consumption, some people drew on a dominant ethical food consumption repertoire with emphasis on green food preferences, kind treatment towards animals, and careful consideration to community issues, like encouraging local producers and traders. Social standing and earnings allow significant involvement with the prevalent ethical food consuming repertoire, yet these features are no assurance of commitment. Food consumption and symbolic limit work in under-privileged groups While large numbers of low earning and culturally diverse families are less or reasonably involved with the predominant ethical food consuming repertoire, these people cant be generalized as unethical consumers. Most of these families demonstrated considerable regards to ethical predicaments and matters associated with ethical consumption. Though, the group of people inclined to move from social repertoires while diverging from the prevailing ethical food consuming repertoire. They follow two different patterns recommending considerable representative border line work through food preferences. In the first case, considered as the innovative alteration of the predominant ethical food consuming repertoire, people reevaluated ethical consumption practices to adjust their material conditions. Here, people demonstrate awareness of main beliefs of ethical consumption dialogue but there access to these ethical produces was marginalized due to their low earnings. In second case, people draw on different social repertoires to connect with the ethical food consumption. These people can be differentiated from the former group as they move less from components of the predominant ethical food consuming catalog to speak about ethical matters around eating and somewhat created these issues. In conclusion, if we recognize shopping and eating preferences as a way of making a difference in solving the socio-ecological issues, it is better to recognize how the different classes employ this practice since we observe the factors that affect on how individuals in different socio-economic groups, with diverse racial or ethnic conditions appreciate and carry out ethical food consuming. Ethical food consumption covers up a wide public discourse with numerous bordering, different patterns can be identified to draw provisional conclusions about the manners in which ethical food consuming repertoires are utilized in every day food preferences. The economic and social freedom appears to help entrance to a predominant ethical food consuming repertoire. People from under privileged social and racial backgrounds seem to be exposed to the particular range, even though this doesnt infer that these people are essentially immoral in terms of their food consuming habits. While social as well as financial privilege allowed admittance to the predominant ethical food consumption repertoire, it did not assure significant involvement for the people, and nor it was essential for engagement. It can be compellingly showed by the existence of upper-middle and lower-class individuals who were less involved with the prevalent ethical food consuming repertoire. However, economically-fortunate people form cultural limitations that let them to show their food consumption practices as appropriate good, even if they were less engrossed within the predominant moral food intake discourse. Additionally, the less fortunate groups are less involved in the predominant ethical consuming repertoire, but it does not denote that they were essentially carefree with the ethical predicaments encompassing food selections. In contrast, the ethical limits carved by the less fortunate or under privileged factions showed innovative adaptation of the predominant ethical food consumption repertoires to a djust the low earning circumstances in addition to the alternating social repertoires. People portray the specific ethical food consuming repertoires to which they had easy pass and which need minimal monetary and cultural investment, maybe for the reason that they have minimum admittance to additional repertoires or types of social capital. 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E-Business Applications of Macy’s Digital Transformation †Free Sampl

Question: Discuss about the E-Business Applications of Macys Inc. Answer: Introduction Retail Business is not as the same it was decades before. The nature, scope and operational aspect of retail business are changing in rapid manner in recent digital age. The digital transformation in retail and use of internet has changed the customer interaction and engagement in retail. Retail businesses are adopting online channel and in-store digital transformation along with physical channel; overall it is the implementation of Omni-channel approach (Fulgoni, 2014). Macys Digital Transformation in Retail To discuss, digital disruption and future of retail stores in digital era, Macys digital transformation is one of the best examples worldwide. It is being 150 years old departmental store, adopting and implementing digital transformation in consumer centric environment in a strategic way. As a very traditional retail store, it faced challenges in customer serving in internet marketplace. Macys has committed its effort for transformation in digital revolution through making $230 million investment in its website from 2006 and 2007. While implementing it digital stride, it has implemented various strategies like Omni-channel approach, more focus on online order distribution centres, training of front line employees about magic selling technique, integrated consumer experience and consumer service. Macys has successfully integrated the gap between its physical stores and digital channels. Its innovative approach of digital in-store experience for its customer and employees enables it to provide better customer experience and engagement. Employees are armed with connected iPods to find inventories, implementation of mobile wallet for easy payment facility and customised in-store digital catalogues are most important initiatives taken by Macys (Bennett and Azhari, 2015). Macys is trying to create a luxury experience through in-store digital personalisation. MyStylist@Macys is helping shoppers to choose the best product from digital catalogue. Digital ordering system enabled personal shoppers to order online and pick the order from nearby local store. Connect@Macys kiosks enabled customers to choose from inventories which are not displayed in the store; where customers can suggest colour, style and design combination. Macys digital innovation strategy is better known as Top Door Strategy. This strategy has contributed in positive manner in growth of Macys. It has allocated and utilised its resources to create a winning customer experience in store. Industry experts praised about Macys commercial website and mobile application (Macys, 2017). It has made huge investment but to get better return on investment (ROI) it must revitalise its digital and physical approach time to time (Lewis and Loker, 2015). On Black Friday in 2016, it got 3.5 million online shoppers and 300,000 mobile application users. Conclusion In conclusion, it can be said that Macys digital strategy needs to be more focused on creating better in-store digital experience. Customers should be provided with much more easy customisation, design and deliver facility and use of virtual reality to imagine how products will look in actual usage (Krueger, 2015). Macys should collect and analyse the huge data of customers during their interaction through digital channel and in-store digital interaction. This new digital transformation strategy of Macys will provide more customised and individualised offerings to customers and ultimately it will increase customer satisfaction and Macys brand value. References Bennett, D.R. and El Azhari, J., 2015. Omni-channel customer experience: An investigation into the use of digital technology in physical stores and its impact on the consumer's decision-making process. Fulgoni, G.M., 2014. Omni-Channel Retail Insights and The Consumer's Path-to-Purchase.Journal of Advertising Research,54(4), pp.377-380. Krueger, J., 2015. Omni-channel shoppers: An emerging retail reality.Think with Google, Accessed,6, p.2016. Lewis, T.L. and Loker, S., 2015. Adoption of emerging in-store technology interfaces for the apparel retail employee. InSuccessful Technological Integration for Competitive Advantage in Retail Settings(pp. 119-143). IGI Global. Macys 2017. 2017 Fact Book. Retrieved 15 September 2017, from https://investors.macysinc.com/phoenix.zhtml?c=84477p=irol-reportsannual